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Aid to Create Political Stability in the Recipient



Major donor countries have supplied millions of dollars of aid designed to stabi­lize foreign governments and, through them, their own security interests. Military aid, for example, can have three functions: to help create a modern military force to deter external aggression, to establish special military forces trained to put down internal riots and disorders against established authorities, and to raise the prestige of local regimes and military elites. A portion of Soviet, British, French, and American military aid to respective alliance partners and to some developing countries can be understood best in terms of the latter two functions. When the United States sends jet fighters and other modern weapons to a small Latin American country, it is playing on the desire for prestige among the military leaders who, in most cases, wield great influence in Latin American politics. The armaments have little external military utility, but they increase the military's prestige and the recipient government's ability to cope with civil disorders. Similarly, the United States has sent many advisors to Latin America to train local troops in counterinsurgency techniques.

Some economic aid policies are designed primarily to elevate the internal and foreign prestige of a regime, without simultaneously making any significant contribution to the long-range economic development of the country as a whole. Gaudy projects spread around the country illustrate to the indigenous people that their government is pursuing modernization and is capable of possessing the symbols of an industrialized, powerful nation. In Hans Morgenthau's words:

Prestige aid has in common with modern bribes the fact that its true purpose, too, is concealed by the ostensible purpose of economic development or military aid. The unprofitable or idle steel mill, the highway without traffic and leading nowhere, the airline operating with foreign personnel and at a loss but under the flag of the recipient country—all ostensibly serve the purposes of economic development and under different circumstances might do so. Actually, however, they perform no positive economic function. They owe their existence to the penchant, prevalent in many underdeveloped nations, for what might be called conspicuous industrialization, spectacular symbols of, and monuments to, indus­trial advancement rather than investments satisfying any objective economic needs of the country. . . . They perform a function similar to that which the cathedral performed for the medieval city and the feudal castle or the monarch's palace for the absolute state.12

Finally, some regimes are so weak and the nations they attempt to govern so fractionalized—or even nonexistent—that they must be propped up by the contributions of foreign governments. This subsistence aid, both economic and military, is designed to provide the basic minimal services that keep a political order intact. The Soviet-installed Afghan "revolutionary" government of Babrak * Karmal was so weak militarily and administratively that it required the assistance of almost 100,000 Soviet troops and several thousand Soviet administrators to

12 Morgenthau, "A Political Theory," pp. 303, 304. 234

 

235Economic Instruments of Policy

cope with a poorly equipped and uncoordinated peasant and tribal rebellion in 1980. The military and administrative "assistance" of the Soviet Union will be necessary for years to maintain the client regime in power. Even India, which does not possess many spare resources, distributes economic and military aid to Nepal for the purpose of creating a viable buffer state between itself and China. Although this aid might make only a small contribution to economic development in Nepal, its main effect is to create political and religious strength for the Nepalese government, thereby reducing the possibility of Chinese-in­spired disorders.

 




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